Tibet Quotes

“Tibet”

“In Tibet, where they say there are no limits to the past and future secrets [...].”

“Should tourists really travel to Tibet when the Tibetans are prisoners in their own land?”

“Wikicommons: -inline”

“We have done no better thing than this [agreeing that Tibet belongs to China] since we became independent.”

“The Chinese have killed directly and indirectly - torture, immolations, deaths in prison – more than a million Tibetans… One-sixth of our population…”

“Since it was invaded by China in the fifties, Tibet suffers one of the most brutal religious persecutions of the century. The 7000 monks who 40 years ago housed the monastery of Drepung, today there are just 500.”

“Nehru's absolute refusal to support the Tibetans even at the diplomatic level when they were overrun by the Chinese army, cannot just be attributed to circumstances or the influence of collaborators: his hand-over of Tibet to communist China was quite consistent with his own political convictions.”

“Sardar Patel warned Nehru: ‘Even though we regard ourselves as friends of China, the Chinese do not regard us as friends.” He wrote a famous letter in which he expressed deep concern over developments in Tibet, raising several important points. In particular, he noted that a free and friendly Tibet was vital for India’s security, and everything including military measures should be considered to ensure it.’”

“Why does an auction in London scare the CCP? The answer is that it documents how, traditionally, the reincarnations of deceased Dalai Lamas were identified. No consultation with the Chinese authorities, no “Golden Urn” (do not believe Wikipedia, which is often manipulated by “friends” of Beijing), no lottery between various candidates (a system only used in the 19th century for the 11th Dalai Lama and to confirm the 12th, who had already been selected through traditional methods).”

“A retired Indian Army commander has explained to me how an intervention force well within India's capacity, could have stopped the Chinese in Eastern Tibet. It would have been a war, but it would have been a genuine war of independence, and the number of casualties would have been far less than the lakhs of Tibetans that have by now been killed by the Chinese occupation force. Short, for such a noble cause, a prime minister with a kshatriya spirit would have gone in. And failing that, he could have opened a diplomatic offensive. But he chose to totally betray Tibet.”

“[Ginger] Duan said [that the digital platform Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet (CYST)] represents a new generation of young Chinese committed to peacefully mediating ethnic conflicts.
“Yet, when these youths attempt to foster grassroots exchanges and [to] dispel longstanding misunderstandings about Tibet among the Mandarin-speaking public, the Chinese Communist Party responds with arrests,” Duan told [Radio Free Asia].
“This [course of] action clearly exposes the true nature of Beijing’s Tibet policy: [neither do they] want genuine mutual understanding between Han and Tibetan people, nor do they want a real resolution to the Tibetan issue.””

“Just before we left Lhasa, I was told that the six border guards had been tried and sentenced in Lhasa's military court. The leader was to have his nose and both ears cut off. The man who fired the first shot was to lose both ears. A third man was to lose one ear, and the others were to get 50 lashes each. (...) Since the Tibetan Buddhists do not believe in capital punishment, mutilation is the stiffest sentence given in Tibet. But I felt that this punishment was too severe, so I asked if it could be lightened. My request was granted. The new sentences were: 200 lashes each for the leader and the man who fired the first shot, 50 lashes for the third man and 25 each for the other.”

“[A]t least in Eastern Tibet, there existed during and after the time of Lha-tho-tho-ri [Fl.173(?)-300(?) CE] a solid knowledge of Buddhism and that the upper classes of the people were faithfully devoted to it. But the border regions in the north and west probably had also come into contact with Buddhism long before the time of Srong-btsan-sgam-po. Buddhist teachings reached China via a route along the western and northern borders of the Tibetan culture and language zone; the same route was travelled by Indian Pandits and Chinese pilgrims in their endeavour to bring this Indian religion to China. There used to be contacts with the Tibetan population in these border regions. It is possible that the knowledge gained from these encounters was spread by merchants over large areas of Tibet. Thus, when Srong-btsan-sgam-po succeeded to the throne of Tibet in the year 627, the country was ready for a systematic missionary drive under royal patronage.”

“Today, China uses history to recast its invasion and occupation of Tibet as not anything of the sort. In the view of the Chinese government, it simply reasserted its historical rights, which had been established over the centuries. Taiwan, at least to the Chinese, presents a similar case. As Zhou Enlai said to Henry Kissinger in 1972, “History also proves that Taiwan has belonged to 'China for more than a thousand years—a longer period than Long Island has been part of the U.S.” In fact, history proves no such thing. In the case of Tibet, it is true that Dalai Lamas from time to time recognized the mandate of heaven of the emperor in far-off China, but for most of the time, the remote mountain land was left to its own devices. Taiwan has even looser ties with China. It was too far across the sea for most Chinese dynasties to bother with. Only the last dynasty, the Qing, tried to assert some control, partly because the island had become a refuge for pirates and rebels.”

“Tibetans have been arrested for speaking with foreigners, possessing the autobiography of the Dalai Lama, or video-and-audiocassettes of his speeches, preparing a list of casualties of Chinese crackdowns, and advising friends to wear the traditional Tibetan costumes on the Chinese national day. In 2005, two monks were sentenced to eleven years in prison for hoisting the banned Tibetan flag. Incommunicado detention is routine. Torture is the expected form of interrogation. There is no right to trial in an open court; defense is permitted for mitigation of punishment, not for pleading innocence. Tibetans call judges "sentencing officers." The Chinese government vets all applicants for the monkhood and prohibits the performance of traditional rites. In July 2005, the Chinese chairman of the Tibetan Autonomous Region announced that China would choose the next Dalai Lama. The boy the Dalai Lama identified in 1995 as the next Panchen Lama (#2 in the Tibetan hierarchy) is under virtual house arrest, probably in Beijing. The Chinese government chose a different boy and, in June 2005, ordered monks to publicly greet him.”

“A larger effort along these line was launched by our group in March 1952 from a new platform suggestively named Society for Defence of Freedom in Asia (SDFA). ... A Tibet Committee was organised in August 1953 and a Tibet Day was observed in September that year when a demonstration and a meeting were organised in New Delhi...But the programme could not be carried further than that because Prime Minister Nehru sprang a surprise with his Panchshila surrender over Tibet in April 1954, and the Hindi-Chini Bhai-Bhai movement misled the whole country soon after... It was perhaps the most painful experience of our lives to see the Prime Minister of a democratic country openly patronising the Chinese lobby led by the Communist Party of India, and angrily denouncing tried and tested patriots of a long standing in India's freedom movement... In August 1953, the SDFA organised a Tibet Committee which announced a Tibet Day to be observed in September. As many as 12 M.Ps including Professor N.G. Ranga were associated with the Committee. The Prime Minister came out against the Committee the day after it was formed. He called upon Congressmen not to associate with the Committee in any way...But since the SDFA could not be stopped from its own course of action, the Prime Minister used the floor of the Parliament to denounce the organisers of Tibet Day, and threatened them with Government action....”

“In the seventh century of our era the enlightened warrior, Srong-tsan Gampo, established an able government in Tibet, annexed Nepal, built Lhasa as his capital, and made it rich as a halfway house in Chinese-Indian trade. Having invited Buddhist monks to come from India and spread Buddhism and education among his people, he retired from rule for four years in order to learn how to read and write, and inaugurated the Golden Age of Tibet. Thousands of monasteries were built in the mountains and on the great plateau; and a voluminous Tibetan canon of Buddhist books was published, in three hundred and thirty-three volumes, which preserved for modern scholarship many works whose Hindu originals have long been lost. Here, eremitically sealed from the rest of the world, Buddhism developed into a maze of superstitions, monasticism and ecclesiasticism rivaled only by early medieval Europe; and the Dalai Lama (or “All-Embracing Priest”), hidden away in the great Potala monastery that overlooks the city of Lhasa, is still believed by the good people of Tibet to be the living incarnation of the Bodhisattwa Avalokiteshvafa.”

“The Tibetans believe that it is not prudent to sleep with the light of day, as the demons of the day they can take over the sleepers. [...] No one escapes the rule, and even the dying have to stay awake as long as possible, so that they can recognize the correct path to take through the border territories to the other world.
The 108 is a sacred number in Tibet and ladies who had hair so abundant that they can be divided into such number of braids were considered fortunatissime.
Tibet was a theocratic country. We not wanted at all the "progress" of the other parts of the world; we just wanted to be able to meditate in peace and transcend the limitations of the flesh. Our sages had realized long ago that the West craved the wealth of Tibet and they knew that the coming of the foreigners meant the end of serenity. The current communist invasion of Tibet has demonstrated how they were right.
The wars in Tibet can be compared to a game of chess. If the king is eliminated, the game is won.
In Tibet, the animals are not pampered or enslaved; are creatures that need to serve a useful purpose, creatures having their rights, just as human beings.
In Tibet everything is decided by astrology, from the purchase of a yak to the careers of individuals.
In Tibet they are given to each two names, and the first is that of the day of the week you were born. I was born into the world on a Tuesday, so Tuesday was my first name.
We Tibetans are firmly convinced that the entire fate of individuals is written on his palm.”

“The purpose of this school was not . . . the study of the great Indian treatises . . . but the development of Nyingma monasticism in Kham, a particularly important task at that time. Up to then, the Nyingma tradition had mostly relied on non-ordained tantric practitioners to transmit its teachings through authorized lineages. The move toward monasticism changed this situation, putting a greater emphasis on the respect of exoteric moral norms of behavior as a sign of spiritual authority. This move participated in the logic animating the nonsectarian movement, the revitalization of non-Geluk traditions so that they could compete with the dominant Geluk school. Since the Geluk hegemony was based on a widespread monastic practice, it was important for the other schools to develop their own monasticism to rival the dominant Geluk tradition. This seems to have been one the goals of Zhanphan Thaye in creating the Dzokchen commentarial school. . . .A further and equally important step was taken a few decades later with the transformation by [Khenpo] Zhenga of this institution into a center devoted to the study of the exoteric tradition. This step was decisive in creating a scholastic model that could provide an alternative to the dominant model of the Geluk seats and could train scholars who could hold their own against the intellectual firing power of Geluk scholars.
For Zhenga and his followers, the way to return to this past was the exegetical study of commentaries, the proper object of scholarship. By downplaying the role of debate emphasized by the Geluk monastic seats and stressing exegetical skills, they accentuated the differences between these two traditions and provided a clear articulation of a non-Geluk scholastic tradition. In this way, they started the process of reversal of the damage inflicted on the non-Geluk scholarly traditions and created an alternative to the dominance of Geluk scholasticism, which had often tended to present itself in Tibet as the sole inheritor and legitimate interpreter of the classical Indian Buddhist tradition.”